Anatomy of a Right Wing Argument

We've been having an interesting discussion with our friends at "The Dead Hand" blog about my assertions that Democratic administrations have a far superior record for economic growth than Republicans. Here's the record that's facing them:



That's right. EVERY Republican administration since World War II experienced lower growth than the previous one. EVERY Democratic administration experienced higher growth than the previous one. The same pattern holds true for jobs, as referenced in a previous post.

Faced with this in-your-face evidence, the right winger can only protest that it's all a coincidence. Expect to hear things like (1) correlation is not causation, or (2) every Democrat enjoyed the fruits of the previous Republican stewardship, and when all of that fails (3) governments can't affect economies that much no how. The alternative, as I'll explain below is to be forced to acknowledge that Republicans really aren't able to or interested in economic growth and they don't have any ethical problems lying to you about it.

To his credit, Jason Williscroft massaged all of the above three points in a statistical argument so airtight, the only problems with it were the basic assumptions, which were totally bogus. So instead of anything meaningful, he's left with a fully illustrated case study of GIGO. That of course, will definitely get you published in a variety of right wing think tanks Jason, so press on dude!
Here's where our intrepid Dead Hander went wrong. In describing the differences between his numbers and mine he says:

"Then there's the choice of metric. Torgerson is talking about year-to-year delta, whereas I am talking about deviation from the mean. Why would I do that? Well, it's a basic difference in perspective. Torgerson's choice of metric suggests that the government is principally responsible for the performance of the economy. Mine suggests that the economy mostly takes care of itself, and that the government mostly affects it on the margin."

There's a couple of points here. First off, I am NOT talking about year-to-year changes. I am measuring the growth over an entire administration (four or eight years) and describing that growth in terms of average annual change so that different administrations can be compared. You see, that's a much closer measure of actual reality. For example, in his first year in office, Bill Clinton spent much of it passing his tax and budget program, which by the way was a five year plan. The fact that that first year showed a different pattern of growth than the subsequent two years after the plan was implemented is not realistically significant when measuring Clinton's economic performance, BUT, if you are merely measuring statistical patterns, then you would be measuring some 'noise' in that first year which the statistician would consider significant.

Further, the longer time period you look at, the less "noise" from the ordinary business cycle will obscure the results. Looking at each year as an isolated data point assures that any longer term effects from governmental policy will be drowned out.

Further, he admits his basic difference in perspective. He denies that the government has a principal impact on the economy, and designs a model that reflects that belief. Not surprisingly, he finds little but the statistical noise he sets himself up to find.

Thirdly, Jason goes and does it again when he says: "Torgerson has left his implicit assumption unidentified and unchallenged. Take your pick" . Just because he did not notice my "implicit assumptions" he assumes they aren't there. Let's help out Jason with a link to a recent post which specifically explains why Democratic administrations do better economically. In that post I said:

"Basically, expenditures targeting low to middle income people grow the economy short term far more than expenditures targeted to affluent people. For example, committing more funds to extending unemployment benefits adds $1.74 to GDP for every $1.00 spent. By contrast, reducing taxes on stock dividends only adds 9 cents to GDP per dollar of taxes reduced. So doing a little math here, if you repeal the dividend tax cut, and take the estimated $36 billion in revenues split evenly between increased benefits to the unemployed and to reducing the budget deficit, that action would increase GDP by $28 billion in the first year alone (about a 0.3% increase in growth.) You'd lose $3.24 billion in GDP growth from repealing the dividend tax reduction, (.09 X $36 billion) and gain $31 billion in GDP from extending unemployment benefits, (1.74 X $18 billion).Paying more money in unemployment benefits to reduce unemployment seems to be counter-intuitive. But, if you think it through, it makes sense. An unemployed person receiving unemployment benefits is the person most likely to spend those benefits quickly in ways that keep the money recycling through the domestic economy: food, rent, bus fare, utility bills etc., which are all provided courtesy of employed workers, very few of whom could possibly be outsourced to India."

The specific GDP effects of the policies cited above come from an Executive Summary of a paper produced by Economy.com, the folks behind the Dismal Scientist.

Surprise! Democrats are far more likely to favor policies, like unemployment benefits, tax cuts for the less well off etc. that happen to have a more stimulative effect on the economy than the Republican's favorite goodies for their constituencies, like capital gains tax cuts, corporate breaks etc.. Therefore, it should come as no surprise whatsoever that applying more stimulative policies to the economy, you get... more stimulus to the economy!! Just so my friends at the Dead Hand can keep up, this is what is known as "causation".

Now, if this whole line of reasoning holds up, what you would see is a significant difference between the overall economic growth patterns under Democratic government control versus Republican control. And, of course, that is exactly what you see.

You see, this is all basic policywonk-craft in Washington. It is not rocket science, governments have been priming the pump as needed for decades. It works. The implication here is when a George W. Bush pushes economic and tax policies that direct benefits towards the rich, then he darn well knows that such policies won't be very effective in growing the economy, because they have never worked very well. So when he looks into the camera and says with a straight face that his tax cuts should reinvigorate the economy, he is lying to you. And, if he is too dense to understand that he's lying to you, he's got 10,000 policy wonk clerks that work for him scurrying to implement his program who know full well they are committing a fraud.

So right wingers HAVE to hide the evidence of their very own eyes amongst as many layers of bogus assumptions and statistical massaging necessary to protect them from the hard cold reality of the dishonesty of their fearless leaders.

November 2nd: The 1.3 Trillion Dollar Question

OK what's it going to take? The few people who have yet to make up their minds between Bush and Kerry, apparently the starkest differences on every major political issue aren't enough to sort it all out and make your Presidential choice clear. So I've got an offer for you.

How about some Cold Hard Cash? How about $1.3 Trillion Bucks?

In previous blogs, I've shown how job growth is accelerated under Democratic administrations, how economic growth is accelerated under Democratic administrations, how Federal budget deficits are smaller under Democratic administrations and how Federal spending as a % of GDP actually shrinks under Democratic administrations. I've also laid down my argument as to why that is here and here. These posts used data stretching back either 50 to 100 years and shows common patterns trends regardless of which Presidential administration you look at. There is a real difference between the basic economic philosophy of the parties, and one philosophy, the Democrats, works far better in actual experience in all of these areas.

So what does it mean here? It is reasonable to assume that trends that have held up for decades will continue to hold in the next administration. If a Democratic administration and a Democratic Congress are elected next week we can expect one set of economic outcomes, while the reverse is also true.. We know that since WWII, economic growth under Democratic leadership was on average about 4.5% per year (inflation adjusted.) We know also that economic growth under Republican control stood at less than half of this, at 2.1% per year.

This means that four years under Democratic growth plans will see a Gross Domestic Product that would stand over $1.3 trillion higher than under Republican 'stewardship'. $1.3 trillion. That's a lot of jobs. That's a lot of cash. That's about $4,500 for every American citizen. (Doing the math: Latest GDP figures suggest that by inauguration day 2005 GDP will stand at about $11.8 trillion. 4.5% growth for four years brings that to over 14.1 trillion. 2.1% growth over four years brings that to 12.8 trillion.)

Note inserted 11/6/06: The above predicted figures are in constant, or inflation adjusted, dollars. The comparable inflation adjusted figure for GDP as of Nov. 2006 is $12.36 trillion, a bit higher than my forecasted 2.1% growth, which would have produced about $12.17 trillion at this point. Latest growth rate announced for GDP is an anemic 1.6% per year moving forward, meaning my prediction is basically on track.)

So for all those STILL on the fence for this election, think very carefully. Do you want $1.3 trillion MORE cash floating about the U.S. economy, or $1.3 trillion LESS? Let's break it down for you: based on the entire economic experience of the country since World War II, with a President Kerry and a Democratic Congress we are likely to have $1.3 trillion more in the American economy in four years than what we would have under a President Bush and a Republican Congress. That would be $1.3 trillion more to pay for new jobs, college tuitions, environmental cleanup, homeland security, home ownership for citizens, health care for all, decent schools for children, and have plenty left over for good old reckless spending on gidgets and goo gaws.

Is it clear now which way you have to go?

Jobs Reports Follow Up

Haven't updated this blog in a while due to heightened work responsibilities and travel, but I wanted to revisit a prior subject because of some discussions that resulted mainly taking place in other blogs.

Quite a few people criticized my earlier postings discussing how most of the jobs thought to be created in the last year and reported in the Bureau of Labor Statistics' establishment survey were imaginary. In a representative criticism that actually is somewhat valid as far as it went, Jason Williscroft said:

"No place do you demonstrate that the BLS numbers actually are wrong, nor do you show that the fundamental assumptions underlying their counting methodology are actually incorrect. The best you seem to be able to do is to cherry-pick data that seem to support your assertion, while dismissing any that don't. These guys perform such counts for a living; I would suggest that, if you are going to attack their results, the onus is on you to demonstrate how they actually are wrong, not how they might be wrong in some alternate universe." (quote found here.)

This of course is a double negative. Proving something is NOT so is virtually impossible. If I asserted that, in a good friend's frequent example, that Dover, Delaware is REALLY intended to be the capitol of the United States, others would have a hard time disproving such, because of the strange scarcity of documents directly asserting that Dover is NOT the US Capitol. All one can do in such a challenge is show indirect evidence that the capitol was really some other city. Such evidence wouldn't make a skilled internet flamethrower pause for even a second, and huge quantities of bandwidth would continue to be consumed debating the proposition.

In this case the BLS is making the assertion, not I. They are claiming that over a million jobs have been created that have not EVER been detected by their actual sample surveys month after month. They make the claim based on a statistical device that has as it's core the assumption that for every job destroyed by a company gone bust or moving out of the country, another like job in the same community and the same industry mysteriously rises from the ashes to take it's place. Blind faith is necessary to believe this, because none of these jobs by definition have actually been detected. To be fair, this was a good assumption in years past when the model's mathematics were worked out. However, there has been no research from BLS or anywhere else that tests the validity of such assumptions during an era where so many jobs are outsourced, downsized or automated out of existence, OR in an era of generally contracting job opportunities.

Just like our Dover Delaware example, the argument itself won't satisfy. One has to go further to try to measure these imaginary jobs in some other way. Williscroft gave it the good old college try with an argument based on his company's health insurance customers. Points given for effort and imagination.

A better way would be to look at what the experts were saying the implications of those rosy job creation reports would be to the economy, and see if those predictions came true. Here's a representative comment of what was expected:

"I think this is something that can be sustained," William G. Cheney, chief economist at MFC Global Investment Management, said of the pace of job creation. The figures showed that the once-halting recovery has given way to a self-sustaining expansion, analysts said, as job growth drives up incomes, which fuels more spending, which begets more hiring, he said. "You create that many jobs and people go out and spend the money and it feeds on itself," Cheney said. Washington Post (248,000 Jobs Added In May -Unemployment Rate Remains Unchanged", 6/5/04)

Yup, that's exactly what would have happened if over a million more people had jobs than was actually the case. So if it did not happen as predicted, that is clear empirical evidence that those jobs weren't really there. And of course, we know what happened since then.

June's rosy headlines gave way to July's gloom. "Job growth disappoints: Economy created just 112,000 jobs in June, less than half of forecasts; unemployment flat at 5.6%."

The day before, international business headlines screamed at US employers: "Outsource or Perish".

That expected retail spending fueled by those jobs also didn't happen: Retail sales suffered a larger than expected fall in June.

All told, there were virtually no economic indicators whatsoever that pointed to those jobs being real. Instead, we were told it was an unexpected "soft spot" in a strengthening economy. Right.

This is not just some gotcha game for political posturing. Whether or not real job creation happens is of vast importance, not only to those who need those jobs but for the general public themselves. Consider this comment assessing the 148 points the Dow piled on the Monday after the Friday jobs report in June. That frenetic stock market was fueled by

"...a continuation of the euphoria we saw on Friday with the employment numbers" CNN/Money

Billions of dollars flooded the stock market that day, convinced the economic recovery was at full tilt thanks to the rosy job numbers. By the close, the Dow Jones Average stood at 10,391. As reality slowly set in during the ensuing months, those investors who were hoodwinked into thinking happy days were here again now look at a Dow 350 points lower (as of 9/24/04). Yet those of us who nailed those job reports as imaginary were denounced as tin foil hat conspiracy theorists, while those left holding the bag with their brokerage losses were spot on the mark. Go figure...

The amazing thing about all of this is that you could see it happening in real time. In the very same press release from the BLS trumpeting 248,000 new jobs in one month, you also found out a lot more. Note the Washington Post headline I linked to above: "248,000 Jobs Added In May -Unemployment Rate Remains Unchanged". This headline unwittingly reflects what is really going on here. Every measure of employment, EXCEPT the labor department's payroll numbers, suggests a continuing jobs recession.

In the June press release from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, it was duly noted that (1) the number of unemployed persons remained about the same, (2) the unemployment rate remained the same, (3) the employment-population ratio remained the same and (4) the civilian labor force participation rate remained the same, YET there were 248,000 new jobs that month. The same type of numbers occur in the prior three month's releases. We're asked to believe, (and apparently most of us did) that all measures of unemployment stayed about the same, while a combined three month total of almost a million jobs were created since February.

What's truly amazing here is how many people fell for it.

Imaginary Jobs Reports: Following Up

Haven't updated this blog in a while due to heightened work responsibilities and travel, but I wanted to revisit a prior subject because of some discussions that resulted mainly taking place in other blogs.

Quite a few people criticized my earlier postings discussing how most of the jobs thought to be created in the last year and reported in the Bureau of Labor Statistics' establishment survey were imaginary. In a representative criticism that actually is somewhat valid as far as it went, Jason Williscroft said:

"No place do you demonstrate that the BLS numbers actually are wrong, nor do you show that the fundamental assumptions underlying their counting methodology are actually incorrect. The best you seem to be able to do is to cherry-pick data that seem to support your assertion, while dismissing any that don't. These guys perform such counts for a living; I would suggest that, if you are going to attack their results, the onus is on you to demonstrate how they actually are wrong, not how they might be wrong in some alternate universe." (quote found here.)

This of course is a double negative. Proving something is NOT so is virtually impossible. If I asserted that, in a good friend's frequent example, that Dover, Delaware is REALLY intended to be the capitol of the United States, others would have a hard time proving such, because of the strange scarcity of documents directly asserting that Dover is NOT the US Capitol. All one can do in such a challenge is show indirect evidence that the capitol was really some other city. Such evidence wouldn't make a skilled internet flamethrower pause for even a second, and huge quantities of bandwidth would continue to be consumed debating the proposition.

In this case the BLS is making the assertion, not I. They are claiming that over a million jobs have been created that have not EVER been detected by their actual sample surveys month after month. They make the claim based on

June Jobs Report: A Reality Check

When does 77,000 actually equal 112,000? Only in the attempt to spin this month's jobs report into something remotely favorable to the Bush Administration. When we tuned in last month, the estimate for total nonfarm payrolls stood at 131.224 million. This month's nonfarm payroll estimate weighed in at 131.301 million, or 77,000 higher. But the announcement was made that 112,000 jobs were created in June, simply because the BLS corrected the last couple of months downward, losing 35,000 jobs in the process. After that adjustment, the new figure is indeed 112,000 higher than the new figure for last month.

But wait, there's more.

The "birth/death model", the BLS's statistical technique for guesstimating the number of jobs they think were created by businesses they don't know exist yet, added 182,000 jobs to this month's (unseasonally adjusted) total. (See earlier post for an explanation of how the BLS imputes the existence of new jobs from new businesses by looking at the number of jobs destroyed by recently deceased businesses.) When you do all the math involved, it turns out that the BLS actually detected a job LOSS of about 68,000 jobs through it's direct sample measurements, and that only by virtue of applying the birth/death statistical fiction could any positive number be discussed at all.

But Even That's Not All.

In that recent blog entry "Most of Those New Jobs Reported Are Imaginary", I calculated that 85% of the new jobs touted as created since March 2003 are the imaginary product of statistical fiction. Updating the charts and numbers with the just-announced June numbers and the April and May downward revisions, it's even more drastic. At this point only 97,000 of the 1,380,000 jobs purported to have been created since March 2003 were actually measured by the BLS sample surveys. The other 93% were "imputed" by the birth/death model. Here's the updated graph:



So What's It Mean?

It means that job growth is far less robust than what's been advertised. That carries with it all kinds of implications for stock markets, interest rates and business decisions. So Caveat Emptor. Here's what it doesn't mean: It doesn't mean the BLS are a bunch of lying scoundrels. The birth/death model is a serious attempt to measure something real, albeit undetectable: the number of jobs created by new enterprises that haven't checked in with the unemployment insurance offices that the BLS samples to collect it's establishment job data. The BLS has been completely straightforward in it's admissions of the shortcomings of the statistical estimation techniques it uses to guess at the undetectable. The BLS has also said that birth/death modeling stinks at detecting changing trends. (I'm liberally paraphrasing.) It also doesn't necessarily mean that all the jobs imagined by the birth/death model don't exist. SOME of them do, since there has to be some new businesses out there that DID create some jobs that haven't reported in to their state bureaucracies yet.

However, when looking at other employment measures, it doesn't look too good for too many of those imputed jobs to be real. We've been stuck at 5.6% unemployment for months now. The number of unemployed is up 84,000 from April to June. There is very little evidence that we have anything more than the same "jobless recovery" we've been experiencing for months. If most of these imputed jobs have not come to pass in reality, then we should see that in ongoing lackluster jobs reports, as the unrealistic projections of the birth/death model continue to be reconciled with reality and month after month of data ends up being revised downward gradually. June's BLS release at least follows this pattern.

Footnotes

There's been an ongoing discussion about my methodology in the comments section of my previous post. Thanks to a handy and brand new FAQ posted at the BLS site, many of the issues in question are now put to rest. Some comments about all of this are posted to the comments page of this post.

The Party Of Job Creation

In previous blogs, I've raised the issue of how robust economic growth is strongly associated with Democratic Party control of government, and outlined how a Democratic administration typically stimulates job growth in contrast to how Republicans have approached the issue. Well the proof is in the pudding as they say. If the Democrats are better at job creation, then we should see it in superior job growth through different administrations, business cycles and economic situations.

And see it we do. Since World War II, the Democrats have held the White House for 27 years and the Republicans for 31. According to Bureau of Labor Statistics data, during the Democrats' 27 years in power, over 59 million nonfarm jobs were created. During the Republican's 31 years, only 31.3 million jobs were created. You have to go back to 1950 to find any Democratic President presiding over an annual net job loss. By contrast, Republican administrations have presided over net annual job losses eleven times. On average, Democratic administrations oversaw a monthly gain of over 182,000 jobs, while the Republicans have averaged only 84,000 per month.

This of course has a profound effect on unemployment rates. Since World War II, again according the Bureau of Labor Statistics unemployment data, on average unemployment rates went down by 5% every year during Democratic administrations while unemployment rates rose a yearly average of 9% under Republicans.



This is not due to a single aberration. As this chart shows, the overall record of each Democratic administration is profoundly different than Republican performance.

As to why this is so, one could argue that Republicans being the party of the affluent and the major corporations are less interested in full employment than the Democrats since a high unemployment rate makes for a cheaper and more compliant labor force. You could also argue that the ideology of the Republican Party makes it impossible for them to embrace the kinds of Keynesian economic solutions that have been proven to work for a century or so. Regardless of the reasons for the difference in performance, no one can possibly doubt that there is a statistically significant difference in the parties' relative success in promoting job creation. An additional 28 million jobs created under Democrats is about as significant as it gets. If you want a full employment economy, you really have no choice this November.

Welcome to the Democratic Party.

Most of Those New Jobs Reported Are Imaginary

John Crudele's jobs commentary in the New York Post caght my eye last month. He reported that a huge number of the new jobs being reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics were actually the imaginary invention of a statistical method known as "birth/death modeling". This model attempts to correct the notion that the employment figures don't account for jobs created by new businesses that haven't reported in to state Unemployment Insurance agencies yet. So long term studies showed that the rate of dying business was very similar to the rate of new businesses formed - on average, over the business cycle. So, the birth/death model imputes a number for new businesses based upon the number of old businesses that died that month. (If population rates were calculated this way, we would 'discover ' that, among other things, fatal traffic accidents cause babies.)

Intrigued, I looked closer. To their credit, the BLS publishes their entire methodology online. All you have to do is wade through explanations of statistical number crunching as described by Washington bureaucrats. What I found suggests that Crudele may have been understating the problem. When you actually reproduce the BLS methodology described in the BLS Handbook of Methods (Chapter 2), you arrive at the conclusion that fully 85% of the new jobs claimed to have been created since March 2003 are imaginary.

To arrive at a monthly estimate of nonfarm payrolls, the BLS creates a benchmark universe of jobs through compiling Unemployment Insurance records from all 50 states and the District of Columbia. This benchmark is updated each year, about eleven months after the fact. The latest benchmark data is March 2003, which was compiled in February 2004. Then, each month the BLS takes a random sample of the universe and counts the jobs found within. They then compare that figure with the corresponding figure from the prior month's sample. So if the latest month's sample found 26,000 jobs, and last month's found 25,000, then the conclusion is made that the job market grew 4%. They then multiply that percentage growth against last month's estimate of total jobs. But that's not where it stops. They then arbitrarily add a figure for jobs created by new businesses they imagine were created, based on the number of businesses went dead that month (which are signified by the number of businesses in the sample that either reported 0 employees or didn't report at all.) The assumption here is that a dead business in the sample automatically means another business was created that month that hadn't gotten around to report to the state unemployment insurance agencies. Of course this doesn't account for all those businesses who laid off their employees because their jobs were outsourced to India, but I'm sure that's not a problem. Right.

The insidious thing about this is that these imaginary numbers appear to be cumulative. That is, if BLS imagined that 1,000 jobs were created in one month by businesses they can't see, then that 1,000 gets added to next month's total as well. Here's the formula:

(Last month's Total Jobs X Growth Rate of Sample) + New Jobs Imagined By BLS = This Month's Total Jobs

So this month's imaginary figure gets rolled into next month's figure, and next month's etc.

Applying this method to the actual nonfarm payroll data, we find that 1,104,000 of the 1,303,000 new jobs reported by the Department of Labor since March 2003 are basically made up out of thin air. Here's how it translates graphically:



When this birth/death model was created in 1998, it was expected that it would change the results to a modest "small and stable" degree. Indeed for the 11 months from March 2003 through January 2004, a modest 37,000 average jobs per month were added by this technique. Something happened though after that. Over the last four months (February through May 2004) this modeling technique padded the total job growth by over 730,000 jobs, about 183,000 per month.

In February 2005, there will be a new benchmark calculated from universal UI data that will reconcile these figures to the real world at least through March 2004. Most likely, what will be found is that job growth came in somewhere in between the 1.3 million announced and the 199,000 jobs actually detected. This is because there should be SOME new business creations adding jobs. However, how many of those businesses reported zero jobs to BLS did so because they outsourced to India instead of creating a vacuum where a new company grew domestically? When given other well known measures of employment showing no movement at all through this period, we are likely to be surprised how bad things really have been all the while our leaders were telling us how lucky we are.

(Thanks to comments shown in the comments page for this post, the numbers are slightly revised. See comments for full discussion.)

If You Want to Live Like A Republican, Vote Democratic (part II)

In a recent blog I laid out the fact that economic growth under Democratic Party controlled administrations is significantly higher than under Republican administrations, at least for the last 52 years. Further, the highest average growth rates have occurred under Federal governments with a Democratic President and a House of Representatives controlled by Democrats. (Budget/finance bills originate in the House, not the Senate, by order of the US Constitution. So Party control of the House is much more important on economic issues.) Well, 2003 data has been added to the mix, so we now have 53 years of data to look at. We've had 17 years where we had a Democratic President working with a Democratic House. In those years, inflation-adjusted real GDP growth averaged 4.5% per year. In the 6 years when a Democratic President had to contend with a GOP run House, GDP growth averaged 3.9%. In the 26 years when we had a Republican President and a Democratic House, GDP growth averaged 3.0%. Finally, in the five years when the Republicans controlled both the House and the White House, GDP growth was a tepid 2.1%.

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My reasons for reposting this topic are two fold. First, I wanted to update the numbers with 2003 figures, which, by the way, come straight from the Bush administration's Office of Management and Budget's FY2005 Budget report. Included in the historical tables is an Excel spreadsheet that lists each year's GDP along with a "GDP Deflator" that, when multiplied against GDP, gives you an inflation adjusted constant dollar GDP. A little spreadsheet work from there gives you averages under different regimes. The second reason is to test Blogger.com's new support for imbedding images with the chart above that graphically illustrates how much more profitable it is for the country to go Blue.

Iraq Wars II: Attack of the NeoCons

I've been hanging on to this essay for awhile, feeling it was a little over the top. However, with the expanding revelations of torture, rape and murder in Iraq at the hands of military intelligence and mercenary led soldiers, as well as reports coming out of the notorious resumes (like affiliations with South African apartheid death squads among other things) of some of these crazoid mercenaries, I thought it was time to post this.

Remember the last installment of the Star Wars franchise? We KNEW full well that Chancellor Palpatine was the ultimate bad guy. Here he was maneuvering the Republic and the Separatists into a bloody costly war with each other. You could see how he manipulated the Republic Senate, the Jedi Council and our heroes on the one side and the various factions of the Separatists on the other. Was there anyone in the theater who doubted for a second that the evil Darth Sidious was our Emporer Palpatine under the hood?

How many kids, young and young at heart, didn't want to shout at the silver screen when Obi Wan Kenobi, Yoda and Mace Windu were fretting about how the future was clouded: "it's Palpatine you freakin' idiots!!"

That's how it is with George W. Bush and his neocon handlers. If this were a Saturday picture show and not reality as reported by American MegaMedia Inc., the audience would obviously see how the only characters benefitting from 9/11 was the Bush crew and their approval ratings. The same Bush crew whose lives and finances intersected closely with the Saudis and Bin Laden for decades. We would see that the anthrax attacks against Democratic Senators (Still unsolved. Who da thunk it?) coincided neatly with the panic atmosphere needed to pass the USA Patriot Act without much opposition.

The Saturday picture show movie-goers would have had to step out for popcorn to miss how our leaders manipulated the good guys into warring with Iraq, possibly the biggest enemy of Bin Laden in the Islamic world there ever was. The theater audience surely would have seen how our war with Iraq actually strengthened the fortunes of all sides of this unholy alliance - Bin Laden and his ilk have millions of followers now where before they had mere hundreds.

The position paper of the Dark Lords of the Sith, otherwise known as the Project for a New American Century, did in fact lay it all out. In September 2000,. Darth Rumsfeld, Darth Cheney, Darth Wolfowitz and a host of their disciples and retainers unveiled their first strategy paper, called "Rebuilding America's Defenses". It called for hiking up military spending to 5% of GDP and redeploying American forces to create an invincible military presence in the oil fields of the Middle East and other strategic parts of the planet. The paper observed that it was unlikely that their platform would be implemented "absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event – like a new Pearl Harbor" (page 51). The paper also recommended that Saddam Hussein's Iraq be used as the pretext for deploying a massive U.S. force in the Persian Gulf. "While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein" (p.14).

One year later, 9/11 happened. One year and one day later, Darth Rumsfeld and others were preparing for the Iraqi invasion, long before even the bodies were recovered from NY's ground zero. We're told that Darth Rumsfeld has a shard from the WTC on his desk as a grisly souvenir. Beware the Dark Side of the Force.

So now Obi Wan Kerry tries to think it all through and the Democratic Party Jedi Council furrows their brow and tries unsuccessfully to see through it all. "everything the future is, the Dark Side clouds" laments the Democrats on the Jedi Council. "It's Palpatine you freakin' idiots!!" shouts the audience. Will we have to sit through four more movies before the Emporer is dethroned?

May the force be with us.

Gutting National Security

What do the Lincoln Tunnel, the Holland Tunnel, the George Washington Bridge, the United Nations, the New York FBI Office, and the Los Angeles International Airport have in common?

They are all standing today because, according to the 9/11 Commission's staff report, US intelligence and law enforcement agencies foiled terrorist plots to destroy them in the 90's during the Clinton administration. The first bombing of the World Trade Center was enough of a wake up call for the Clinton administration. After that attack, not one foreign terrorist attempt to attack within the United States succeeded. All foreign terrorist plans within the US were foiled. Every single one, for 7 years. Until 9/11.

John Ashcroft would have us believe that one memo from Jamie Gorelick so hamstrung the FBI that it couldn't do the job it needed to do to prevent 9/11. Somehow though, the FBI under Clinton managed the record above. That's at least six landmarks saved (Some officials have hinted there were more plots foiled). Then along comes Ashcroft and the Bush Administration. Suddenly, the WTC is destroyed, the Pentagon attacked, people murdered by domestic anthrax attacks. And Ashcroft, our top cop throughout all of this mayhem, wants to blame the folks who were getting the national security thing done right?

All of the laws supposedly hampering the FBI, CIA etc. from doing their job were in place for the entirety of the Clinton administration, and numerous attacks were prevented by sound national security practices over many years. Logically therefore you can't blame those laws for the Bush administration's multiple failure to accomplish the same thing..

So what DID change to make us so vulnerable to terrorist attacks? Without getting into judgments as to the merits of the personnel involved, there are three specific, objective changes that served to weaken the United States' defenses in 2001:

(1) A wholesale disabling of the information sharing apparatus of the intelligence, law enforcement and military agencies. The very first National Security Policy Directive crafted by the Bush administration went into effect February 13, 2001, just two weeks after the Bush administration moved into their offices. Most other people would barely know where to find the bathrooms and the supply closets by this time, but somehow the Bush administration felt comfortable enough with their surroundings that they restructured the entire organization of the National Security Council, abolishing every single working group that facilitated top level infomation sharing on terrorist activity by the FBI, CIA, Departments of Defense and State and National Security Council. In it's place were a bunch of committees controlled largely by Condoleeza Rice and her appointees. Some committees were separated geographically, thus "Near East and North Africa" was separated from "Europe and Eurasia" or "South Asia". Terrorist matters were split up between new committees named "Counter-Terrorism and National Preparedness", "Proliferation, Counterproliferation, and Homeland Defense", "Intelligence and Counterintelligence", "Records Access and Information Security". Condoleeza Rice was given the authority to name each committee chair and assign staff. Then, committees with the same names as the earlier counter-terroism working groups were reconstituted as sub-groups under the "Counter-terrorism and Natioanl Preparedness" committee. This placed two, perhaps three additional bureaucratic levels between the main decision makers of government and terrorist information and recommendations. Anyone who has studied the nature of bureaucracies can easily understand that this amounts to a kiss of death for any notion of quick counterterrorist response. Hats off to contributing writer Margie Burns at Online Journal for pointing this out (scroll down).

(2) A crippling dismantlement of the procedures used to protect U.S. airspace from hijackings and air attacks. If the Pentagon had been operating under the air security procedures held in place for decades, the WTC would probably be standing today. Normal procedures call for fighter jet interception of any suspicious aircraft activity reported by air traffic control to NORAD within minutes of first suspicion. So why weren't those procedures followed on 9/11? Turns out the procedures were sacked on June 1, 2001, to be replaced by a much more cumbersome procedure adding bureacratic layers to the response process. Under the new rules, air traffic control notifies the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). The FAA passes the info up the line to the FAA chief. The FAA chief then forwards the info to the NMCC (National Military Command Center). The NMCC notifies NORAD to get them to figure out where some jets who can intercept might happen to be. Once NORAD gives an answer, then NMCC locates and contacts the Secretary of Defense for authority to scramble the jets. That's at least five steps to go through, each one capable of being foiled by voice mail or a lunch appointment. What utter nimrod ordered this? Here's the memo itself, signed by a Vice Admiral S. A. Fry. The big question is, who ordered him to do it? Hats off to Jim Rarey of Medium Rare for the 411 on this one.

(3) A deliberate removal of counter-terrorism from the national priority list. The Center for American Progress has this one nailed. Never mind the complete absence of speechifying on bin Laden or terrorism from inauguration to 9/11. Never mind the obvious fixation on missile defense and a national oil company welfare plan...er I mean national energy policy. This is nailed in writing. First, Janet Reno's list of priorities. Reno's budget goals in 2000 say: "In the near term as well as the future, cybercrime and counterterrrorism are going to be the most challenging threats". Then, John Ashcroft's priorities in the corresponding document revised one year later on his watch. Terrorism isn't mentioned among the seven strategic goals listed.

So in objective documentable fact, we see that terrorism was removed as a priority, the ability for intelligence agencies to share information was crippled, and the ability to respond quickly to air hijackings was eviscerated. All within five months. No wonder this administration tried as hard as it did to stop the 9/11 Commission from getting off the ground.